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Macdonald-Laurier Institute

Polar Power: The Northern Sea Route in Russia’s strategic calculus

The Northern Sea Route is not only, or even primarily, a commercial enterprise. Putin and the Russian security services, military, and the energy sector all see the NSR as crucial to controlling northern Russia and the waters that surround it.

June 26, 2025
in National Security, National Defence, Latest News, Security and defence - papers, Foreign Policy, Alexander Dalziel, Europe and Russia, Papers, Arctic
Reading Time: 6 mins read
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Polar Power: The Northern Sea Route in Russia’s strategic calculus

By Alexander Dalziel,

June 26, 2025

PDF of paper

Executive Summary | Sommaire (le français suit)

Russian gas is flowing to Europe and Asia in record volumes. Tapped in the Russian Arctic, cargos of liquified natural gas are sailing the Northern Sea Route (NSR), running along Russia’s north coast, to get there.

President Vladimir Putin’s regime has big plans for the NSR. While progress on the NSR is slow – thanks in part to the Kremlin’s military entanglements in Ukraine and inefficient government – Russia is advancing. Russia’s strategy emphasizes infrastructure development and commercial opportunities. However, Putin is also laying the foundation for Russia to exert influence and power over the waters of the Arctic, off its coast and beyond. Canada, the United States, and the Nordic countries must recognize the need for new approaches to national defence and security to address an Arctic-ready Russia that fuses maritime trade to the Kremlin’s geopolitical ambitions.

Ice plugs the NSR much of the year, but Russia is pushing hard to make it a year round maritime shipping route. With the NSR, Russia is building not just a shipping lane to export natural resources but an infrastructure backbone for its Arctic. When – or if – fully realized, this complex network of sea lanes, railways, runways, and roads will connect Russia’s natural resource ventures to internal ports, and from there to purchasers worldwide – increasingly in China and Asia.

However, the NSR is not only, or even primarily, a commercial enterprise. Putin and the Russian security services, military, and the energy sector all see the NSR as crucial to controlling northern Russia and the waters that surround it. For the last quarter century, Russia has strengthened its military position in the Arctic, establishing and refurbishing bases. New ice-capable warships are joining its formidable nuclear submarine fleet. Russia, which has the world’s only nuclear icebreaker fleet, is building more of them, and sending satellites into orbit to aid year-round navigation.

At the same time, Putin aims to bolster the northern presences of Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) and National Guard. His government is forging a unique authoritarian civil-state-military fusion designed for the Arctic – and for a regime that wants the Arctic to be the centre of its power, prestige, and wealth in the world.

This fusion changes the national security dynamics for Canada, the United States and their allies and partners. Monitoring Russian activity in the Arctic is crucial, to distinguish actual commercial activities from “hybrid” operations that use trade as a cover for disrupting maritime, economic, and national security. That will take a comprehensive security plan – covering the environmental to the socio-economic to the military. Specifically:

  • Canada, the United States, and Greenland, partnering with Indigenous communities and governments at regional levels, should launch an initiative to explore the economic development of the North American Arctic and co-develop a plan for its future.
  • NORAD should enhance its network of radars and sensors and modernize its maritime mandate, and review where enhanced co-operation with Denmark and Greenland would strengthen the institution.
  • Closer NORAD co-operation with the NORDEFCO (Nordic Defence Cooperation) group of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden could result in a more comprehensive awareness of the air and sea spaces in the Arctic, thereby strengthening regional defence.
  • Canada and the United States need to urgently rebuild their icebreaker fleets and bolster Arctic search-and-rescue and environmental-response capabilities.
  • Canada needs to procure new submarines on a strict schedule to enhance its all-weather presence in the sea lanes approaching North American Arctic waters.
  • Canada should put maritime security on the agenda of the Arctic Security Dialogue among the democratic Arctic countries that it proposed in late 2024.

These responses are crucial to ensuring a stable, predictable, and secure Arctic in the face of Russia’s ambitious and determined plans for the NSR to be the centrepiece of Russian power.


Le gaz russe acheminé jusqu’en Europe et en Asie atteint des volumes records. Pour rejoindre sa destination, le gaz naturel liquéfié de l’Arctique russe emprunte la route maritime du Nord (RMN) le long de la côte septentrionale de la Russie.

Le régime du président Vladimir Poutine a d’ambitieux projets pour la RMN. Malgré la lenteur des progrès, en partie du fait de l’engagement militaire du Kremlin en Ukraine et de l’inefficacité du gouvernement – la Russie avance. Sa stratégie mise sur le développement des infrastructures et des débouchés commerciaux. Toutefois, elle pose également les fondations de son pouvoir sur les eaux de l’Arctique, au-delà de ses côtes. Le Canada, les États-Unis et les pays nordiques doivent reconnaître l’importance d’adopter des approches novatrices en matière de défense et de sécurité nationales pour contrer une Russie qui, en phase de préparation pour l’Arctique, associe le commerce maritime à ses objectifs géopolitiques.

La RMN est souvent entravée par la glace, mais la Russie s’efforce de la rendre navigable toute l’année. Non seulement elle lui assure un passage maritime pour l’exportation de ses ressources naturelles, mais également une infrastructure clé pour son Arctique. Si ce réseau complexe de voies maritimes, de chemins de fer, de pistes d’atterrissage et de routes venait à être achevé, il permettrait aux opérateurs russes de se connecter aux ports intérieurs, puis de là, aux acheteurs internationaux – de plus en plus en Chine et en Asie.

Toutefois, la RMN n’est pas uniquement, ni même principalement, une initiative commerciale. Poutine la juge cruciale pour surveiller le nord de la Russie et les mers adjacentes, en coordination avec les services de sécurité, les forces armées et le secteur énergétique. Grâce à ses bases nouvellement construites ou remises en état, la Russie renforce sa présence militaire dans l’Arctique depuis 25 ans. De nouveaux navires de guerre résistants aux glaces font désormais partie de sa puissante flotte de sous-marins nucléaires. Déjà pourvue d’une flotte de brise-glaces nucléaires unique au monde, la Russie en construit de nouveaux et lance des satellites en orbite pour faciliter la navigation toute l’année.

Parallèlement, Poutine cherche à accroître la présence du Service fédéral de sécurité et de la Garde nationale russe dans le Nord. Son gouvernement est en voie de forger une alliance autoritaire civilo-politico-militaire unique pour l’Arctique – et pour un régime qui souhaite faire de l’Arctique un épicentre de puissance, de prestige et de prospérité mondiale.

Cette alliance change la donne en matière de sécurité pour le Canada, les États-Unis et leurs partenaires. Il faut surveiller attentivement les actions russes en Arctique pour différencier les opérations commerciales des activités « hybrides » qui dissimulent, sous le couvert du commerce, les initiatives perturbatrices pour la sécurité maritime, économique et nationale. Un plan de sécurité exhaustif doit être élaboré – touchant les dimensions environnementales, socio-économiques et militaires. En particulier ce qui suit :

  • En partenariat avec les communautés autochtones et les gouvernements régionaux, le Canada, les États-Unis et le Groenland devraient mettre en place une initiative destinée à étudier le développement économique de l’Arctique nord-américain et à élaborer un plan en la matière.
  • Le NORAD (Commandement de la défense aérospatiale de l’Amérique du Nord) doit optimiser son réseau de radars et de capteurs, moderniser sa mission maritime et évaluer là où une coopération plus étroite avec le Danemark et le Groenland permettrait de renforcer l’institution.
  • Une coopération renforcée entre le NORAD et le groupe NORDEFCO (Coopération de défense nordique), qui comprend le Danemark, la Finlande, l’Islande, la Norvège et la Suède, pourrait améliorer la connaissance des espaces aériens et maritimes de l’Arctique et renforcer la défense régionale.
  • Le Canada et les États-Unis doivent rapidement moderniser leurs flottes de brise-glaces et renforcer leurs capacités de recherche et de sauvetage dans l’Arctique, y compris les compétences en intervention environnementale.
  • Le Canada doit acquérir de nouveaux sous-marins selon un calendrier rigoureux pour accroître sa présence en tout temps sur les voies maritimes avoisinant les eaux arctiques nord-américaines.
  • Il serait approprié pour le Canada de mettre la sûreté maritime à l’ordre du jour du Dialogue sur la sécurité en Arctique entre États arctiques démocratiques, comme suggéré à l’issue de l’année 2024.

Ces solutions sont essentielles pour garantir la stabilité, la prévisibilité et la sécurité dans l’Arctique face aux projets ambitieux et résolus de la Russie, qui envisage de transformer la route maritime du Nord en un outil clé de son contrôle.

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